Saturday, August 13, 2011

US High Commission in India apologies for the statement released by the Deputy High Commissioner

United State Embassy in India disappointed about the statement released by the Deputy US High Commissioner of India.
While speaking in the S.R.M.University Deputy High Commissioner Morin Savo said that she had been visited to the India 20 years back for an educational tour during that time she visited to the Orissa by train and it was a 24 hour journey but since after the 72 hours she didn't complete her journey then she became dark and ugly like Tamil people.
However US High Commission in India apologies for the statement released by the Deputy High Commissioner.

Friday, August 12, 2011

Carry out investigat​ions on human rights violation or face the internatio​nal investigat​ions: United States

Unites Stares request the government to carry out free and fair international investigations on human rights violations in SriLanka or else Lankan government is force to face legal actions by the international community. United States further said they will support the government if they come forward to carry out war crime investigations according to the international law.
Responding to a United States ultimatum on investigating alleged human rights violations, the government said yesterday it regretted that the US had not taken into account the accountability measures taken by the government in the past months.

“We have proved sufficiently to the international community including the United Nations with evidence of humanitarian measures we have undertaken during the last stages of the war.
We have answered every question adequately,” government spokesman and minister Keheliya Rambukwella said.
However he said the government had not directly responded to the US on the accountability measures taken by the government.
“We have commented on these allegations so many times,” the minister said and added that the government was not trivializing the ultimatum issued by the US.
“It will be wrong to say that we are not taking the US statement seriously,” he said.

Thursday, August 11, 2011

Tamils still suffer 2 years after Sri Lanka war By Krishna Francis for AFP

The roadblocks have been dismantled, the sandbags removed, and Sri Lanka is again a palm-fringed tourist paradise, the government says. But for ethnic Tamils living in the former war zone, it is still a hell of haunted memories, military occupation and missing loved ones.Tamils still suffer 2 years after Sri Lanka war By Krishna Francis for Afb
Hundreds of thousands remain homeless, and no effort has been made to reunite families separated two years ago during the final bloody months of the war between the now-defeated Tamil separatists and the ethnic Sinhalese-dominated government.
A power-sharing program that President Mahinda Rajapaksa promised to enact after the quarter-century war has gone nowhere.
The International Crisis Group castigated the government in a July report that said "the country is yet to see any semblance of compromise or inclusiveness."
In the meantime, the government has worked hard to project an image of peace and redemption to the world. It insists Tamils have embraced its plan to rebuild homes and shattered lives. It is playing up the Indian Ocean island's reputation as a tourist destination, building airports, seaports and new roads. It's even ordered an army headquarters to be converted into a luxury beachside hotel.
But in the ethnic Tamil heartland in the north, resentment has been building.
From the school where he sleeps at night, principal Asirvatham Soosainathar watches the troops who are still living in his house in the village of Murikandy. On weekends, he visits his family in the home they have rented 50 miles (80 kilometers) away.

More than 100 families in the village were displaced by troops and the government has promised to soon return their homes. But in two years, Soosainathar said he's seen no evidence of it.
"I have 106 coconut trees on my land, but nowadays I have to pay for my coconut," Soosainathar, 44, said in a telephone interview. "The army has been telling me for two years that it will leave my house, but they are still cultivating my land."
Visvalingam Komathy has also been ousted by the army from her home in the former rebel stronghold of Kilinochchi, where she lived off the chicken and cattle she raised. She has pawned her jewelry for living expenses and legal fees in trying to free her son detained on charges of helping the rebels.
"We only want the house that is rightfully ours," said Komathy, 52.
Many Tamils fear that the soldiers in their homes are the vanguard of a government plan to send majority Sinhalese settlers into their area to dilute Tamil power and prevent any new push for a separate homeland for the minority. Tamil lawmakers say the military is seizing land that was in private hands before the war.
"The army is doing everything to be there permanently," said lawmaker Suresh Premachandran, of the Tamil National Alliance. "They are putting up permanent camps, cantonments and of course they are very much part of the entire administrative system in the northern province."
Electricity has been restored and roads repaired. Supermarkets, banks and Internet cafes have opened outlets in areas closed to business during the war.
But many people whose homes were destroyed continue to live under tents or in small huts covered only by tin sheets. Many families who lost their belongings and breadwinners remain in extreme poverty.
On the other hand, military camps have mushroomed and grand monuments have been erected to honor the fallen soldiers. The army also runs roadside restaurants catering to Sinhalese tourists who have flocked to see areas recaptured from the rebels.
Ahead of local elections in the north last month, the government painted the polls as a referendum on its development-oriented reconciliation efforts. But the ruling coalition was crushed, and Tamil politicians in favor of self-determination won 20 of 25 seats on local councils. Officials have since played down the results, and the local positions are unlikely to change the government's policy.
The government insists it is pursuing reconciliation and taking care of the victims.
"Rapid resettlement and economic empowerment is taking place ... though obviously much more needs to be done," said Rajiva Wijesinha, a lawmaker and adviser to Rajapaksa.
He denied that the military was taking over private land, and said it would pay compensation for any land it acquires.
Ananthi, a mother of three who goes by only one name, is still searching for her husband, Sinnathurai Sasitharan, a political leader for the Tamil Tigers whom she last saw being escorted away by the military after surrendering on May 18, 2009.
"He was not going to surrender. He wanted to send me off and commit suicide by swallowing cyanide," she said, recounting the final moments of the war. "But I cried and begged him to surrender so that he could live the rest of his life for his family."
The whereabouts of her husband, known by the nom de guerre Elilan, and scores of other rebels who mounted the last stand against the government forces, as well as a Catholic priest who mediated their surrender, are still unknown, she said.
Ananthi says she appealed to the government, the Red Cross, the national Human Rights Commission and the United Nations to no avail.
Though the government announced that it had rehabilitated many of the 11,000 former rebels it captured at the end of the war, the relatives of many rebel fighters last seen accompanied by soldiers say they have never been told the whereabouts of their loved ones. Families have searched in hospitals, camps and detention centers.
Sandana Murugaiah, a father of seven, is awaiting news about a son and daughter forcibly conscripted by the Tamil Tigers and not heard from since the war ended.
"I do not know if they survived the fighting," Murugaiah said.
The Tamil Tigers, long seen as one of the world's most effective and brutal insurgent groups, had fought to create an independent state for ethnic minority Tamils after decades of marginalization by governments controlled by the Sinhalese majority.
The militants, who ran a de facto state in the north, sent suicide bombers into crowded train stations, while the military was accused of shelling civilians and hospitals in the war zone. Footage allegedly taken by front-line soldiers and aired on Britain's Channel 4 television appeared to show blindfolded prisoners being shot at close range.
A U.N. expert panel report in April accused both sides of potential war crimes and recommended an independent international inquiry.
The government has denied the accusations, though it did acknowledge for the first time last week that some civilians were killed in the final offensive in 2009. The U.N. panel has said tens of thousands of civilians were killed in that offensive.
Jehan Perera, an analyst with activist group National Peace Council says true reconciliation requires a "heart and mind strategy" after a brutal war. Entrenching the military will not serve the purpose, he said.
"A great deal of transparency is required in terms of who is held in custody and what happens to them." Despite promises to Tamil lawmakers to give such a list, the government has not done so, Perera said.

Wednesday, August 10, 2011

Inside Sri Lanka's killing fields

The closing stages of the Sri Lankan civil war were a story of extreme brutality against civilians by the army. Despite being widely documented, Colombo remains in denial about atrocities on Tamils in the country's north and the east.
The survivors of the war still live in fear, in one of the most densely militarised zones of the world, devoid of any hope of ever getting justice.
Headlines Today correspondent Priyamvatha travelled (undercover) to Vanni, the former stronghold of the Tamil Tiger rebels in north Sri Lanka, to unravel the facts behind the claims and counterclaims in the land that was witness to one of the worst war crimes committed on civilians anywhere in the world.


As Headlines Today reached the Vanni region, it was swarming with soldiers of the Sri Lankan army, made up almost entirely of the majority Sinhalas. There was a soldier on patrol every few meters and there was a check post on every 100 meters.

The army has built major military cantonments across the Vanni on land mostly forcefully acquired from the local Tamil population in what has been recognised in some quarters as the core of the Tamil Homeland.
A sense of fear and insecurity could be seen among the local Tamil population, with very few people agreeing to speak on camera. The people, interviewed at secret locations, feared death if the tapes fell in the hands of the security personnel.
War victim Rosy, 45, doesn't want to live. Even after two years, just the word "war" brings shivers and tears for this Tamil woman. Rosy witnessed Sri Lankan air force jets bomb an areas designated as a "Safe zone" by the government.
On May 14, 2009, a day after she moved into the safe zone at Vattuvaha from Killinochi with her husband, a son, four daughters, a son-in-law and 10-month-old grandson, the zone came under attack.
"The bomb fell on the place we were living. These are the silent ones. We realised only after the area was bombarded. There was smoke all around. I didn't know anything. My hand was sliced and splinters lodged in my chest. My son picked me up and hid me. I asked him to look for my daughters. He assured me that everything was fine. But he knew all were dead. All my children died. Nothing is left," said Rosy, adding, "On that day of the war alone I saw 3000 people die before my eyes."
For Rathi, another war victim, that deadly day when she lost her husband and son in the war still brings back the sad events. "I was in the bunker. My son and husband were outside eating food. From the air, the bomb fell and exploded into splinters. Pieces of it killed my son and husband. We heard the sound," says Rathi, as she breaks down.
Rathi's daughter Lavanya says, "Army bombed us at Vallipuna. They used chemical bombs. It fell on the ground from air, went into pieces, but there wouldn't be sound."
Chemical bomb,

"I was going to surrender with my family through a priest. But my second child was affected by chemical bomb. It's phosphorous. He was completely affected," said another victim Devi.
"All small children and old people were lying in the hospital without help. In this attack, two children, an old woman and my husband and son died," said Rathi.
Thambi, an eight-year-old victim, who had lost his entire family except his mother, describes how even children were not spared. He was injured in the war. "There was shelling always. There were bombs everywhere.
Look at this injury. I had to run for my life," says Thambi. The civilians had to run from pillar to post for the treatment of the injured. But hospitals were also not safe. Kavya's father, who was injured in the war, later died.

"We had taken father to hospital. That's when the bombardment happened. One girl died and two boys died, with brains coming out from their head," said Kavya.
The cries of these victims say it all.

Torture at secret camp
The list of war violations by the Sri Lankan army extends to the camps where women were harassed. Here is a first hand account of a woman who spent one year at a supposedly secret camp, which was not revealed to the world by the Sri Lankan government.

"It is a torture camp. No basic amenities were allowed. NGOs weren't allowed," said Sundari. "It is a military camp…for whatever problem we had, we had to approach the armymen right? That was exploited by the army and in the night…we all were together. They misbehaved with some women," says Sandari.
"There have been rapes. Girls are raped. But how will girls tell this out? They would be embarrassed. It is a matter of dignity¦ what else happened," Sundari adds.  "They would be very violent. They are Sinhalese and we are Tamils. We are scared of everything. We don't know the language. Women were looked at voyeuristically by the army," she says.
Reporter: There are reports that women were shut in a room without dress?
Sundari: Yeah.they kept harassing us if we were from LTTE. They kept us and harassed us.

Another victim Divya says, "Two or three women were kidnapped. They have taken pictures while taking bath."
The situation was no different for LTTE cadres who were put in camps. Young men, even educated ones, had to swallow the humiliation. Murugan, a former LTTE cadre who was in the intelligence wing, was kept in the camp for almost one year. Now, he is out to be a part of the society. But he finds it difficult to forget the harrowing tales.
"We were kept in a reformation camp to rehabilitate former cadres like me. But more than reforming us, we became more violent. It was beyond torture. We were kept like cattle. Once a major and lieutenant colonel came to meet us. There were 800 of us. They had masked their faces. We were seen as demons," says Murugan.
Rosy adds, "We drank water from drainage, from wells where dead bodies were thrown. I know a mother and a child who fell into well and committed suicide due to hunger. I saw with my eyes."
"Sri Lankan army grabbed our land. They used weapons against us and our people. I joined LTTE in the last phase of war. They called, but I went to save the rights of our people. There was a necessity," says Shiva.
The UN says over 40,000 people were killed during the last stages of the 30-year civil war that ended in May 2009, with a full military victory for the Sri Lanka army. Non-governmental sources put the figure at over a lakh and a half.

Execution style killings, aerial bombardment of hospitals and designated "safe zones", sexual assaults on civilians and female combatants, use of chemical weapons, cluster bombs, denial of medical aid to injured civilians, illegal confinement without charges - these are some of the many war crimes Sri Lanka is accused of.
Some say it is not just the Sri Lankan army that inflicted atrocities on the helpless civilians. The LTTE also has blood on its hands. Deepan, whose 16-year-old son Rajan was kidnapped from school by the LTTE, is shattered. "My son was 16 years old. LTTE cadres took him away to join their forces. We didn't want to send him. He had big dreams and was studying in school," says Deepan.

Tuesday, August 9, 2011

Inside Lanka's Killing Fields

New Delhi-based news channel, Headlines Today, which has brought wide media focus in India on Sri Lankan war crimes after broadcasting the Channel 4 documentary, Sri Lanka's Killing Fields, followed with a debate recently, on Monday said it was to broadcast an exclusive documentary of its own on Tuesday, titled "I witnessed Genocide: Inside Lanka's Killing Fields". The new documentary to be aired on Tuesday will feature eyewitness accounts of shelling and aerial bombardment of designated safe zones, hospitals and other civilian targets, rape, sexual harassment at IDP camps, use of chemical bombs, use of cluster munition, denial of food and medicines to civilians etc., media sources in New Delhi said.


Headlines Today


Meanwhile, the editor of Headlines Today, Rajesh Sundaram, on Monday brought an exclusive interview with Sri Lankan Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa. In the interview, the SL presidential sibling has hit out at Tamil Nadu Chief Minister J. Jayalalithaa for her recent comments seeking international war crimes investigations and economic sanctions on Sri Lanka.

"This [the resolutions in the assembly and statements by Tamil Nadu Chief Minister J. Jayalalithaa] must be for her to gain political advantage...It is not reasonable, because in Sri Lanka regardless of being Sinhala, Tamil or Muslim, we are Sri Lankans. We are more worried about our citizens than anyone else. This [the resolution and statements by Jaya] is without knowing facts,” Gotabhaya Rajapaksa was telling the Headlines Today.

Instead, Mr. Gotabhaya advised the Tamil Nadu Chief Minister to focus her attention on the need for rehabilitation of the Tamil people in the war ravaged areas, the Headlines Today reported.

On the call for international investigation of war crimes committed in the island, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa expressed confidence in continued support from the New Delhi establishment: “We have strong backing from the rest of the world, starting from Russia and China and I am sure of it from India, Pakistan and a lot of the countries from Africa, Middle East and South East Asia. That is the international community. A few people in the world can't say they are international community."

Gotabhaya Rajapaksa [Left] interviewed by Rajesh Sundaram of Headlines Today
Gotabhaya Rajapaksa [Left] interviewed by Rajesh Sundaram of Headlines Today 
Click here

Sunday, August 7, 2011

channel 4 news in tamil




Friday, August 5, 2011

La situation difficile des Tamouls dans le nord du Sri Lanka

La situation difficile des Tamouls dans le nord du Sri Lanka
Après l’échec en 2009 de la lutte armée pour l’indépendance, la communauté tamoule vit dans la précarité et sous haute surveillance de l’armée sri-lankaise.
Dans les villages de Kilinochchi, les ruines                    des maisons rappellent la violenc...
VANESSA DOUGNAC

Dans les villages de Kilinochchi, les ruines des maisons rappellent la violence des combats passés qu’ont subis les populations civiles. Pour cette famille, les blessures restent vives : le petit garçon de 5 ans (à droite) ne parle plus depuis la guerre.

Avec cet article
A l’ombre des cocotiers et des aréquiers, près de maisons en ruine, la scène se rejoue à l’identique. On tire des chaises en plastique pour s’asseoir. Les palmes des arbres bruissent sous le vent chaud.
Les regards se font inquiets, chargés de la douleur du passé et de la peur de se livrer. Au fil de récits factuels et mécaniques, les mains se crispent dans les vêtements. Les voix gardent la contenance de ceux qui en ont trop vu. Des mots reviennent : obus, tranchées, armée, morts.
Ces familles tamoules des villages de Kilinochchi, dans le nord du Sri Lanka, sont encore sous le choc. Fin 2008 et début 2009, elles ont été prises dans des combats d’une extrême violence. Les soldats cinghalais de l’armée gouvernementale achevaient alors la reconquête des territoires administrés par les Tigres de libération de l’Eelam tamoul (LTTE), une insurrection indépendantiste de l’ethnie minoritaire.
Les implacables rebelles, célèbres pour leurs escadrons-suicides et leurs enfants-soldats, perdaient du terrain. En se repliant vers la côte est, ils obligeaient leur population, soit près de 300 000 Tamouls, à les suivre dans leur chute, sous le feu de l’armée. Le 18 mai 2009, ils étaient vaincus dans leur dernier retranchement, sur une plage de Mullaitivu. Le cadavre de leur leader, Vilupillai Prabhakaran, était exhibé en boucle sur les chaînes télévisées. Et dans les rues de Colombo, la fin des Tigres provoquait la liesse, gonflée par un bouddhisme cinghalais ultranationaliste.

Destruction

Spectacle de désolation pour ce postier du district de Kilinocchi, devant son bureau de poste cri...
Spectacle de désolation pour ce postier du district de Kilinocchi, devant son bureau de poste criblé d'impacts de balles.




Aujourd’hui, Colombo clame le retour à la normalité. « Mais nous sommes devenus des mendiants ! », souffle Thuvaraka. En février 2009, elle a perdu son mari et ses deux fils, fauchés sous ses yeux par les lance-roquettes de l’armée. Elle a aussi perdu ses biens : sa maison, le tracteur et ses bijoux. Le sort de la veuve s’inscrit dans la tragédie des campagnes de Kilinochchi, l’ancienne capitale des Tigres, une région interdite aux regards indépendants durant la guerre.
Le gouvernement ouvre aujourd’hui les visites au compte-gouttes et maintient la population tamoule sous surveillance d’une armée omniprésente. Dans la ville, le commerce a repris et les échoppes sont ouvertes. Mais, à l’écart, la destruction est d’une ampleur stupéfiante. Maisons rasées, murs criblés de balles, rien n’a été épargné.
Dans le marché de Vaddakkachchi, l’herbe repousse dans le cratère laissé par l’impact d’une bombe. La jungle luxuriante du Wanni laisse entrevoir les anciennes lignes des rebelles, des champs minés et des arbres calcinés aux troncs écartelés. «  Pas une maison n’est intacte, admet K.D. Saran, gouverneur de Kilinochchi. Nous aidons la population mais cela prendra du temps. »
En attendant, les familles vivent sous des tentes ou des abris de fortune. « La destruction est l’œuvre du LTTE, dénonce le général de division Ubaya Medawala, porte-parole de l’armée. Avant de fuir, les terroristes ont tout détruit. Une tactique pour nous discréditer. » Les habitants, tel Prashan, désignent un autre coupable : « C’est l’armée qui a tout nettoyé. »

L’armée omniprésente

Mais chacun admet que le chantier en cours est gigantesque. Les autorités assurent procéder par étapes : « Il a d’abord fallu réinstaller les 320 000 Tamouls déplacés », explique le général. Car, après la guerre, la population a été retenue plusieurs mois dans les camps de Menik Farm, près de Vavuniya. « Les villages devaient être déminés, précise le général Medawala. À présent, nos soldats réaménagent les routes et 7 000 maisons sont reconstruites dans le Nord. »
Cette image de la normalisation suscite la colère d’un prêtre : « Mais la situation est pathétique ! Il n’y a pas d’avenir pour les Tamouls. Les bouddhistes mènent une guerre sainte. C’est une dictature, défendue par les règles de l’armée. » Comme pour lui donner raison, deux soldats font irruption dans le presbytère. Ils saluent le prêtre et observent l’entretien : un avertissement à peine déguisé.
Car l’armée prend racine. Tous les 500 mètres, sur chaque piste, pointe un T-56, le fusil d’assaut chinois des soldats cinghalais. Certes, l’armée lève peu à peu les barrages et les contrôles, et les « disparitions » de Tamouls ont diminué. Mais la présence militaire ne faiblit pas.
Les 200 000 soldats ne sont pas démobilisés. Ils surveillent, ils contrôlent. Et si les Tamouls veulent se réunir, y compris pour un mariage, ils doivent demander une permission à l’armée trois jours à l’avance. « C’est comme si ce n’était pas seulement la défaite du LTTE, mais aussi celle du peuple tamoul », critique le politicien Mano Ganesan.
Quant aux accusations d’une « colonisation » cinghalaise, elles ne datent pas d’hier. Mais la « guerre contre le terrorisme » a accéléré le contrôle de Colombo. Des lotissements cinghalais voient le jour. Les garnisons campent sur des terres tamoules réquisitionnées. À Kilinochchi, un camp siège dans l’ancien cimetière des Tigres. « Il n’y a pas de respect pour les morts », s’offusquent les habitants, qui comptent tous un parent autrefois enrôlé dans l’armée du LTTE.
Sur la côte, des pêcheurs cinghalais se voient octroyer l’accès à des zones de pêche tamoule. Et dans les campagnes, une scène insolite se découvre : de petites buvettes sont tenues par des… soldats ! Histoire d’arrondir les fins de mois, pour une armée qui a mis le Sri Lanka au bord du gouffre financier avec une offensive lancée dès 2006. « L’armée prend le contrôle de la vie civile », dénonce l’avocat Lakshan Dias. « Notre expertise et notre rôle consistent à assurer le développement, avance le général Medawala. Nous avons une vision : construire une nation. »

Nécessité de reconnaître les morts

A Kilinochchi, l’ancienne capitale des Tigres tamouls, le gouvernement sri-lankais efface les sou...
A Kilinochchi, l’ancienne capitale des Tigres tamouls, le gouvernement sri-lankais efface les souvenirs des rebelles, y compris leur cimetière. à l’exception du château d’eau détruit par les rebelles avant leur fuite en janvier 2009, pour « témoigner de la brutalité des terroristes ».




Et pendant que l’armée tapisse les terres reconquises de statues de Bouddha et de monuments à la gloire de ses héros tombés au combat, les Tamouls, eux, ne peuvent pas pleurer leurs morts. Ni même les compter. Entre 2008 et l’après-guerre, plus de 100 000 Tamouls manquent pourtant à l’appel. D’après les Nations unies, il y aurait eu plus de 40 000 morts au cours des derniers combats.
Sous leurs abris de fortune, les Tamouls incarnent cette brutalité : veuves, handicapés, blessés, enfants aux éclats d’obus incrustés sous la peau. Chaque famille a un mort à déplorer. « Durant la débâcle, le LTTE nous a utilisés en bouclier humain, mais cette stratégie n’a pas freiné l’armée, dénonce Meera. Nous étions sous les obus et les bombes. » Des soupçons de crimes de guerre et de crimes contre l’humanité entachent les deux armées ennemies.
Le Sri Lanka crie à la calomnie et refuse les enquêtes internationales. « Nous n’avons jamais ciblé les civils », martèle le général Medawala. « Il faut donner des explications sur ce qui s’est passé », fustige Mano Ganesan, qui compte sur la pression internationale. Pour les analystes, la paix et la réconciliation du Sri Lanka ne sauront pendre corps sans une reconnaissance et une justice.
Mais même le sort des prisonniers de guerre est un mystère. Douze mille Tigres auraient été capturés et isolés en détention. À ce jour, il resterait 4 000 prisonniers. Mais aucune liste n’a été communiquée et les centres sont interdits de visite. Anandhi Sasitharan garde espoir pour son mari Elilan, un ancien leader politique du LTTE.
Elle se souvient de sa reddition, sur la plage de Mullivaikal, le 18 mai. « J’ai revu mon mari ce matin-là. Un prêtre qui parlait anglais, le P. Francis Joseph, a voulu servir d’intermédiaire pour les Tigres prisonniers. Car il y avait aussi Thangan, Iniviyan, Theepan, Kutty, Babu… et Raja avec ses trois enfants. Mais on n’a jamais revu les prisonniers, ni le prêtre, ni les enfants. »
Le mois dernier, un documentaire britannique de Channel 4, démenti par Colombo, a diffusé des images d’exécutions de prisonniers par des soldats cinghalais.

Pas de place au dialogue

Et sur les murs de Kilinochchi, des affiches vantent « Sa Majesté Suprême Son Excellence Mahinda Rajapaksa ». Il s’agit du président du Sri Lanka, l’homme à l’écharpe rouge. « Il se voit en Dieu, dit un analyste. Il a défié le monde et mené sa guerre. Avec une propagande basée sur un fondamentalisme racial et religieux. »
Devant le portrait de l'actuel président du Sri Lanka, une femme tamoule passe devant le marché b...
Devant le portrait de l'actuel président du Sri Lanka, une femme tamoule passe devant le marché bombardé du village de Vaddakkachchi




Au fil des ans, le président a installé sa famille à des postes clés, de Gotabhaya, son irascible frère cadet, en ministre de la défense, à son autre frère Basil, en passant par son fils Namal. Quant au général Fonseka, célébré en héros national pour avoir dirigé l’assaut contre le LTTE, mal lui en a pris en portant politiquement ombrage à Mahinda Rajapaksa. Désormais, il est en prison.
« Le Sri Lanka reste très dangereux pour les journalistes ; la peur est omniprésente et les gens s’autocensurent », avance Lal Wickramatunge, du Sunday Leader . Son frère, Lasantha, un journaliste critique du gouvernement, a été assassiné en janvier 2009, laissant une lettre posthume qui accusait le pouvoir. « Les juges sont appointés par le président, dit Lal, et nous n’obtenons pas justice pour Lasantha. »
Sivagnanam Shritharan, membre du Parlement et du TNA, l’Alliance tamoule nationale, anciennement proche des Tigres, raconte quant à lui que son véhicule a essuyé des tirs, le 7 mars dernier. « Le gouvernement ne veut pas que nous existions politiquement », assure-t-il. Son parti, qui défend l’option du fédéralisme, a pourtant raflé les votes tamouls lors des élections locales du mois dernier.
« Mais sans réel espace de discussion politique, les problèmes du Sri Lanka ne pourront pas être réglés », alerte Ruki Fernando, défenseur des droits de l’homme. Le général Madewala, lui, nie en bloc l’idée même d’un problème : « Où voyez-vous de la discrimination ? s’emporte-t-il. Il n’y a pas de discrimination contre les Tamouls au Sri Lanka. »
Vanessa Dougnac, à Kilinochchi, Mannar (Nord), Colombo (Sri Lanka)
Merci La croix  http://www.la-croix.com/Actualite/S-informer/Monde/La-situation-difficile-des-Tamouls-dans-le-nord-du-Sri-Lanka-_EG_-2011-08-05-696207